Human intelligence and its faculties
The social origins of mind
Human-like reflective cognition is socially bootstrapped when joint activity makes private attention publicly corrigible, allowing language, norms and institutions to turn momentary coordination into durable reasons.
TLDR
- Social exposure is not yet a social origin; the decisive signal is contingent correction.
- Joint attention creates a public reference frame in which two people can repair what they mean.
- Imitation transmits candidate actions, while norms distinguish a copied move from a move done correctly.
- Language compresses corrections, and institutions preserve them beyond any particular conversation.
- Test a social-origin claim by removing contingency, swapping conventions and measuring what no longer transfers.
A child sits between two blue cups. One is smooth and empty. The other has a ridged handle and contains a wooden bead. An adult looks at the ridged cup and says, “This is the mipa.” The child reaches for it. Now replay the same words, gaze direction and timing on a perfect screen. Every photon and sound wave arriving at the child can be matched. Yet something has disappeared. If the child points to the wrong cup, the recording cannot hesitate, follow the child’s hand, repeat the label or repair the misunderstanding. The first scene contains a relationship between two interpretations. The second contains only a stimulus.
The familiar intuition is that the live adult helps because faces are engaging, voices are warm and babies attend better. That is often true. It is also incomplete. Attention explains why more signal may enter the learner. It does not explain why a signal can become answerable to the learner’s current interpretation. In live interaction, the adult can detect what the child took “mipa” to mean and alter the next event accordingly. That extra dependency changes the information available.
The central thesis is that a capacity has a specifically social origin when its acquisition or correct use depends on public corrigibility. Public corrigibility exists when another participant can locate the learner’s target, interpret the learner’s act, compare it with a shared practice and respond in a way that depends on the learner’s apparent understanding. Joint attention opens this loop. Imitation supplies candidate moves. Norms make some moves correct rather than merely frequent. Language gives the correction a portable form. Institutions let the correction survive absent people, delayed consequences and changing generations.
The missing third point
Two organisms can track the same object without knowing that they are doing so together. The missing property is not shared direction alone. It is reciprocal access to the relation.
Imagine two hikers watching a hawk. Both heads turn towards the same patch of sky. A drone above them could classify their gaze as aligned. Yet neither hiker may know the other has seen the hawk. Now one points, the other follows, and both exchange a brief look back. The object has entered a triangular relation: person A, person B and a target that each treats as jointly attended. The return look matters because it checks not only the hawk but the partner’s orientation to the hawk.
Developmental work often groups gaze following, point following, showing, giving and declarative pointing under joint attention. Carpenter, Nagell and Tomasello’s longitudinal study traced a cluster of such capacities between nine and fifteen months, while Baldwin showed that older infants can consult a speaker’s direction of gaze when resolving a novel word’s referent.[1][2] These studies support an important relation between shared attention and communication. They do not prove that a single innate module causes the whole cluster, nor that every culture organises early interaction through the same face-to-face script.
Hold the stimulus constant and remove contingency
A live tutor and a recording both say “mipa” twelve times while looking at the same cup. The recording was captured from the live session, so timing, pitch and visible movement match. In the live condition, however, the child looks at the smooth cup on trial six. The tutor notices, pauses and reorients. In the replay condition, trial six proceeds regardless.
What should differ? A pure exposure account predicts little difference once attention is controlled. A public-corrigibility account predicts that the live condition gains information specifically on ambiguous or mistaken trials. The critical measure is not total looking time. It is whether the tutor’s next move carries information about the learner’s previous interpretation.
The smallest useful formalism
Let H be the learner’s hypothesis about what “mipa” refers to. Let E be the visible scene, C the tutor’s first cue and R the tutor’s response after the learner acts. A contingent response is useful when it provides information about the correct hypothesis beyond what the scene and first cue already supplied:
This notation says that the response and correct interpretation remain statistically connected after the initial evidence is known. It does not claim that infants calculate mutual information. It names the structure of the learning problem. A fixed recording can still be informative, but its next frame is not selected by the learner’s current hypothesis. Live correction can be.
How one acknowledgement can collapse ambiguity
Suppose four objects are initially equally plausible. A gaze cue makes the ridged cup four times as likely as each alternative. Its probability becomes 4/7, about 0.57. The child points to it. A tutor says “yes” with probability 0.95 after a correct choice but accidentally confirms a wrong choice with probability 0.10. Under a simple independence assumption, the posterior probability rises to about 0.93.
The equation earns its keep because it reveals the assumption. If gaze and confirmation are driven by the same unnoticed bias, treating them as independent will overstate confidence. The mechanism is not “sociality adds certainty”. It is “a response that tracks the learner’s interpretation can supply a second, partly independent constraint”.
Laboratory evidence is consistent with some social contingency effects. In Kuhl and colleagues’ foreign-language study, nine-month-old infants exposed to Mandarin through live tutors learned the tested phonetic contrast, whereas matched audiovisual and audio-only exposure did not produce the same result.[3] A later randomised parent-coaching study found that changing conversational practices increased turn-taking and was associated with advances in infant language outcomes.[4] These results are not a licence to declare a universal “social gate”. Live and recorded conditions differ in attention, arousal, timing and opportunity for repair. The causal target must be isolated rather than named after the whole condition.
Reciprocity reveals more than compliance
Return to the two cups, but let the adult deliberately mislabel the smooth cup after the child has learned the mapping. Three responses are possible. The child may switch immediately, treating the adult as an unquestioned source. The child may ignore the adult, preserving a private association. Or the child may look between adult and ridged cup, repeat “mipa?” and wait. The third response is evidence of a maintained public reference, because the learner treats the partner as correctable while still treating the convention as shared.
This reversal matters experimentally. A learner who only follows cues can appear socially competent while the tutor remains reliable. A learner who detects and repairs a tutor’s error demonstrates a stronger relation: both parties are answerable to the same mapping. The critical transfer test therefore includes an occasional knowledgeable-but-fallible partner. Success is not obedience. It is coordinated correction without abandoning the shared target.
flowchart LR A["The missing third point"] --> B["The corrigibility spiral"] B --> C["Which capacities truly depend<br/>on others?"] C --> D["Turn the claim into an experiment"] D -. "re-test" .-> A classDef first fill:#0a1424,stroke:#087A98,stroke-width:2px,color:#e6f3ff classDef step fill:#0a1424,stroke:#3f7da0,stroke-width:1px,color:#e6f3ff class A first class B,C,D step
The corrigibility spiral
Joint attention does not install a finished social mind. It creates a channel through which later layers can modify what a learner notices, copies, says and treats as binding.
Joint attention makes reference repairable
Reference is easy when only one object is present. It becomes revealing when several objects compete. Baldwin’s discrepant-labelling design placed the speaker’s attention on a different object from the infant’s current focus. Infants could not succeed by pairing the novel word with whatever they happened to be looking at. They had to consult the speaker.[2] This is a small but profound shift: the relevant evidence includes another person’s relation to the scene.
Joint attention creates a public reference frame, not a mystical merging of minds. Each participant remains fallible. They can misread gaze, misunderstand a point or falsely assume common ground. What changes is that the mismatch can become visible to both. A nod, puzzled expression, re-pointing gesture or reformulation makes interpretation an object of coordinated action.
Imitation supplies a move, not its status
A learner who copies an adult can acquire an action sequence without understanding why it works. This is useful. It also creates ambiguity. Did the learner reproduce the movement because it caused the outcome, because the demonstrator intended it, because competent members do it that way, or because copying itself was rewarded?
Overimitation exposes the ambiguity. In classic tasks, children reproduce visibly unnecessary actions on novel objects, even when those actions do not contribute to the physical outcome.[8] One interpretation is causal: children assume intentional actions hide a purpose. Another is normative: children treat the demonstrated sequence as the proper way. A third emphasises affiliation and audience. The same output can therefore be generated by different mechanisms.
Perfect imitation without selective response
Give a learner a tutor that mirrors every movement exactly. The tutor never refuses, repairs, slows down or marks one action as more appropriate than another. The learner can discover body correspondences and action synchrony. Can the learner discover how to greet a judge, when a promise becomes binding or why a chess move is illegal?
The missing variable is not behavioural fidelity. It is differential evaluation under a practice. Imitation can transmit a form, but public correction supplies the criterion under which the form is accepted, rejected or reinterpreted.
Norms make correction impersonal
Suppose two children invent a game in which a red block must be placed on a mat before a bell is rung. A puppet enters, rings first and receives the same sound. If the children merely learned a causal sequence, the shortcut should be acceptable. If they learned a conventional rule, they may object even though no personal goal was blocked.
Young children in rule-game studies do protest when a third party performs a conventional act the “wrong” way, and later work shows that enforcement appears across diverse societies while its intensity and style vary.[11][12] This matters because correction is no longer only “your action failed to get the bead”. It becomes “that is not how this game is played”. The standard can be applied to someone who did not frustrate the observer.
From regularity to constitutive rule
In one room, “daxing” means putting the red block on the mat and then ringing. In another room, the same word means ringing while holding the blue block. A child learns both. The physical world is unchanged, and both sequences are equally effective at making noise. What changes is the local practice that licenses the description “daxing”.
The example separates three questions: What usually happens? What produces the sound? What counts as performing this named act here? Only the third is constitutively normative. A solitary learner may infer frequencies and causes. To master the third question, the learner must track a community-relative standard and its authorised exceptions.
Language compresses a history of correction
A word is more than a sound paired with a thing. It can carry a distinction that previous speakers stabilised: cup rather than container, promise rather than prediction, evidence rather than rumour. Once learned, the word lets a child reuse a community’s past discriminations without replaying every episode that produced them. Grammar makes relations portable too. “She thinks the bead is in the cup” separates the world from another person’s representation of it.
Language is a compression layer for socially maintained distinctions. The phrase does not imply that thought begins with language. Infants, animals and adults with aphasia can perceive, plan and reason non-verbally. The claim is narrower: language packages distinctions so they can be taught, challenged and combined outside the immediate scene.
Large-scale naturalistic work across 1,001 children found robust relations between children’s vocal production, age and the amount of adult speech around them, while not reproducing some expected associations with gender, multilingualism or maternal education in that dataset.[5] Yet direct child-address is not the only route. Tseltal-learning infants who are rarely spoken to showed knowledge of common nouns and community greeting terms that had to be learned through overhearing.[6] The lesson is not that interaction is dispensable. It is that social participation has more geometries than the laboratory dyad.
Institutions let correction outlive the corrector
A child can learn “take turns” from a caregiver. A school extends the rule with schedules, roles, attendance records and appeal procedures. Money, courts, examinations and scientific publication all rely on similar extensions. An institution stores who may decide, what evidence counts, how a decision is recorded and how a dispute is reopened. The participants need not share a room or generation.
This paper uses institution in a minimal engineering sense: a durable arrangement of roles, rules, records and sanctions that preserves a practice across changing participants. Recent comparative ethnographic analysis of 23 egalitarian forager societies found teaching more strongly associated with the transmission of opaque cultural material, including values and kinship knowledge, than with many observable subsistence skills; leadership was also associated with such teaching.[17] The study is observational, relies on coded ethnographic passages and uses a debatable opaque/instrumental distinction. It nonetheless identifies a plausible reason institutions matter: some standards cannot be reverse-engineered from outcomes alone.
When a result becomes more than anyone’s memory
A research team discovers that a reagent changes colour only after a precise cooling interval. The first scientist can demonstrate the procedure, and a second can imitate it. That is social transmission. The team then names the interval, records the thermometer calibration, assigns who may release a batch, keeps failed runs and specifies how an anomaly reopens the protocol. The competence has moved into an institution.
Now replace every original scientist. If the laboratory can still reproduce the result, explain why a batch was rejected and revise the rule when a calibration fault is found, its cognition is distributed across people, instruments, roles and records. If only the successful recipe survives, later staff may repeat the action yet lose the ability to distinguish a valid exception from a mistake. An institution stores not just what to do, but who may correct what, using which evidence.
This example also marks a limit. The laboratory does not literally have one mind merely because work is distributed. The claim is functional and grain-sensitive: a reasoning capacity that no individual carries alone can be realised by a governed interaction system. Whether that system is a subject of experience is a separate question.
Move the learner while preserving the world
A child masters a greeting in Community A. In Community B, the same movement is reserved for mourning and an alternative gesture is expected in ordinary meetings. Nothing about arm mechanics or facial perception changes. The correct action changes because the learner has entered another public practice.
This intervention diagnoses constitutive social dependence. If changing the community changes the criterion of correctness while physical goals stay fixed, the capacity is more than learned socially. Its content partly consists in a socially maintained relation.
Which capacities truly depend on others?
“Socially shaped” is too loose to guide an experiment. The claim must say what kind of dependence is alleged and which substitution would break it.
| Grade | Causal claim | Decisive intervention | Example | What failure means |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Socially elicited | Another person raises attention, effort or motivation. | Match arousal and attention with a non-social source. | Performing longer beside an encouraging partner. | The gain may be motivational, not a new competence. |
| Socially scaffolded | Contingent interaction supplies training information, but the mature skill can run alone. | Replay matched input while removing response to the learner. | Resolving a word through gaze and repair. | If replay matches learning, contingency was not necessary in that task. |
| Socially constituted | The criterion of correct performance depends on a shared convention or commitment. | Move the agent between communities while preserving physical outcomes. | Using a word, making a promise, playing a rule game. | If correctness never changes, the task may be instrumental rather than normative. |
| Institutionally stabilised | Roles, records and enforcement let the competence persist across absent or replaced participants. | Remove the archive, authorised roles or appeal path. | Maintaining a scientific result, property claim or school credential. | If the practice survives intact, the institution was not carrying the relevant memory. |
This taxonomy is a new causal distinction offered by the paper. It prevents a common slide from “children learn around people” to “the capacity is social all the way down”. Basic perceptual discrimination, reinforcement learning and instrumental planning can operate without a public standard, even though social settings train them efficiently. Conventional word use, promising, role membership and third-party rule enforcement are stronger candidates for constitution because correctness depends on shared practice.
Some capacities occupy different grades at different grains. Speech-sound discrimination may be socially scaffolded during acquisition, yet an adult can later discriminate sounds alone. A particular word’s conventional meaning is socially constituted. The ability to certify a transcript may be institutionally stabilised because its authority depends on recognised roles and records. Ask about the exact competence, at the exact time scale, under the exact criterion of success.
A capacity-by-capacity answer
Which capacities, then, depend on joint attention, imitation, norms, language and institutions? Joint attention is most directly implicated in learning and repairing reference when several interpretations remain live. It also supports coordination around absent goals once gestures and words can stand in for the immediate target. It is less clearly necessary for every word. Overhearing, routine participation and statistical regularities can carry substantial information, especially when a community does not organise learning through intensive child-directed dialogue.
Imitation matters when the solution path is opaque, costly to rediscover or socially marked. It can preserve fine procedural detail that outcome emulation misses. Yet imitation is not required whenever a learner can reconstruct the end state, as studies of children copying technological designs without full action information demonstrate. Its causal contribution should therefore be tested against emulation, instruction and individual discovery, not against an empty control.
Norms are required for capacities whose success includes appropriateness, obligation or entitlement. Knowing that most people queue is a statistical belief. Knowing that one ought to wait one’s turn, that others may object, and that emergencies alter the rule is normative competence. Language expands this competence by making reasons and exceptions discussable. Still, a child can respond to approval, disapproval and patterned practice before giving an explicit verbal justification. Verbal report is evidence about normative understanding, not its sole definition.
Institutions become necessary when the relevant correctness relation spans absent people, long delays or replaceable roles. Property, certification, scientific priority and legal responsibility cannot be sustained by dyadic memory alone at scale. Records and procedures make the practice durable, but durability is not the same as wisdom. An institution can preserve a bad distinction with exceptional fidelity. The answer is therefore layered: others are necessary not for cognition in general, but for the public reference, normative status and durable authority of particular cognitive acts.
Comparative findings identify pressure points, not a single human essence
Tomasello and colleagues argue that shared intentionality helps explain distinctive human cultural cognition.[7] In a cooperative reward task, three-year-old children shared more equally after collaboration than after parallel work or a windfall, whereas chimpanzees did not show the same collaboration-linked shift.[13] In a multi-stage puzzle-box study, children’s progress was strongly associated with teaching, imitation and prosocial support.[14]
None of these results proves that non-human animals lack joint attention, culture or cooperation. Nor do they establish one hidden faculty. Task interfaces, motivation, rearing history and species-typical ecology matter. Reindl and colleagues later added an asocial control to a related puzzle and showed that some children could reach the highest stage without social support, weakening a necessity claim for that task.[15]
Can stored culture replace a living community?
A child has a complete library, perfect recordings, capable robots and every instruction ever written, but no other human can revise a rule, accept a promise, forgive a breach or recognise a new office. The child can learn vocabulary, imitate rituals and reconstruct technologies. Can the child create a binding treaty with an archive? Can a robot’s certificate carry authority if no practice recognises the issuing role?
The archive preserves patterns and reasons. It cannot by itself guarantee ongoing uptake. This separates inherited content from active institution. Some capacities can be acquired from traces; others require a living network that can confer, contest and update status.
The strongest rival explanation
The strongest rival is not “sociality does nothing”. It is that domain-general learning, attention and reinforcement can explain most observations, while cultural environments merely supply unusually rich data. On this view, gaze following is learned because gaze predicts events; imitation grows through sensorimotor association; norm protest follows reinforcement and reputational incentives; language is distributional learning over signals.
This rival should be taken seriously. Neonatal imitation itself remains contested: a large longitudinal study challenged broad neonatal imitation effects, followed by reanalysis and continuing dispute.[9][10] Cross-cultural research also shows that reliance on social information and majority cues varies by community and age.[16] These findings weaken stories in which one preformed social faculty simply unfolds.
The public-corrigibility thesis survives only if contingency and normative uptake explain variance after attention, reward history and input quantity are controlled. It is strengthened when matched replay fails specifically on ambiguity-repair trials, when convention swaps reverse what counts as correct, or when removing authorised roles destroys a practice despite preserved information. It is weakened when non-social training produces equal transfer, when correction adds no information, or when apparent norm following disappears after incentive controls.
Coordination is not truth
A group can correct a child into a false belief, an exclusionary category or a harmful ritual. Public corrigibility explains how a distinction becomes stable and answerable within a practice. It does not make the practice accurate or just. Epistemic quality requires independent contact with the world, competing perspectives, error-sensitive measurement and routes of appeal.
stateDiagram-v2 [*] --> Claim state "Hold the stimulus constant and<br/>remove contingency" as Claim state "The smallest useful formalism" as Test state "How one acknowledgement can<br/>collapse ambiguity" as Revision Claim --> Test: expose mechanism Test --> Decision: evidence survives Test --> Revision: rival survives Revision --> Claim: narrow or rebuild Decision --> [*]
Turn the claim into an experiment
A useful thesis must tell us how to build a contrast that could make it fail. The smallest experiment holds exposure steady, varies contingency and asks whether the gain transfers.
An executable social-learning lab
The lab below simulates four learners trying to map four invented words to four objects. All receive the same number of labelled episodes. The exposure learner follows a noisy salient object. The imitation learner follows a demonstrator’s cue. The joint-attention learner receives a second orientation when its current guess visibly diverges. The corrigible learner also receives explicit acceptance or rejection of its choice.
The simulation is deliberately small. It tests an informational claim: contingent repair can reduce ambiguity even when total exposure is matched. It does not model a child, prove a specialised social mechanism or establish that correction is always beneficial.
Social bootstrapping under matched exposure
Read the bars as mean probability assigned to the correct referent across synthetic learners. Patterns, not exact values, are the object of the exercise.
Python version of the simulation
This standard-library script reproduces the four conditions. Save it as social_bootstrapping.py and run python social_bootstrapping.py. Increase LEARNERS for smoother estimates.
from __future__ import annotations
import random
from dataclasses import dataclass
from typing import Literal
Condition = Literal["exposure", "imitation", "joint", "corrigible"]
@dataclass(frozen=True)
class Config:
trials: int = 80
cue_reliability: float = 0.65
repair_reliability: float = 0.92
learners: int = 400
seed: int = 76
def noisy_target(target: int, reliability: float, rng: random.Random) -> int:
if rng.random() < reliability:
return target
alternatives = [i for i in range(4) if i != target]
return rng.choice(alternatives)
def train(condition: Condition, cfg: Config, rng: random.Random) -> float:
# scores[label][object]; a small symmetric prior prevents empty rows
scores = [[1.0 for _ in range(4)] for _ in range(4)]
for _ in range(cfg.trials):
label = rng.randrange(4)
target = label # stationary synthetic convention
cue = noisy_target(target, cfg.cue_reliability, rng)
if condition == "exposure":
salient = noisy_target(target, 0.38, rng)
scores[label][salient] += 0.30
elif condition == "imitation":
scores[label][cue] += 1.0
elif condition == "joint":
scores[label][cue] += 1.0
guess = max(range(4), key=lambda j: scores[label][j])
if guess != target:
repair = noisy_target(target, cfg.repair_reliability, rng)
scores[label][repair] += 1.25
elif condition == "corrigible":
scores[label][cue] += 0.8
guess = max(range(4), key=lambda j: scores[label][j])
feedback_is_true = rng.random() < cfg.repair_reliability
if feedback_is_true:
if guess == target:
scores[label][guess] += 1.2
else:
scores[label][guess] = max(0.05, scores[label][guess] - 0.75)
scores[label][target] += 1.7
# Expected held-out accuracy if choices are sampled from learned scores.
return sum(
scores[label][label] / sum(scores[label]) for label in range(4)
) / 4
def run(cfg: Config) -> dict[Condition, float]:
rng = random.Random(cfg.seed)
conditions: tuple[Condition, ...] = (
"exposure", "imitation", "joint", "corrigible"
)
return {
condition: sum(train(condition, cfg, rng) for _ in range(cfg.learners))
/ cfg.learners
for condition in conditions
}
if __name__ == "__main__":
results = run(Config())
for name, accuracy in results.items():
print(f"{name:12s} {accuracy:.3f}")
A positive ordering shows only that the encoded correction channel is useful under the encoded assumptions. If imitation matches correction, either the cue is already sufficient or the repair rule contributes little. The script cannot establish social necessity, developmental timing, neural implementation or experience.
A developmental interaction protocol
The stronger test is behavioural. Choose a task with genuine referential ambiguity, such as learning four novel labels in scenes containing four objects. Pre-register four conditions with matched exposure time and label frequency. Measure not only final accuracy but repair latency, transfer to a new partner, retention after delay and adaptation when conventions switch.
| Condition | What stays fixed | What changes | Primary prediction | Main confound to block |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Matched replay | Words, gaze path, duration, scene | No response to learner state | Lower gain on ambiguous trials | Attention and audiovisual quality |
| Live cue only | Exposure and human presence | Tutor follows script despite learner choice | Tests live presence without repair | Micro-timing leakage |
| Contingent repair | Exposure count and tutor identity | Tutor reorients after apparent misunderstanding | Faster error-specific learning | Extra repetitions after errors |
| Convention switch | Objects and motor demands | New partner uses a different mapping | Rapid partner-relative remapping | Simple recency effects |
Error-contingent advantage should concentrate where interpretations diverge
If public corrigibility is the operative mechanism, the live advantage should not be uniform. It should appear most strongly after an observable mismatch between learner and tutor, and it should predict later transfer better than total looking time. A result showing equal gains on unambiguous and mismatch trials would favour general engagement. A result showing no benefit once extra repetitions are controlled would weaken the hypothesis.
A realistic configured-system example
Consider an AI-supported classroom that teaches scientific classification. A content-delivery design gives every learner the same explanation and quiz. A socially bootstrapped design records the learner’s proposed classification, asks for the discriminating feature, exposes disagreement among peers, lets an authorised teacher correct the rule and stores the reason for later cases. The model may propose examples, but the class practice decides what evidence settles the category.
The same principle applies to human-machine work. A language model has absorbed traces of social correction from text, yet fluent reproduction does not by itself make the model a member of the institution whose rules it describes. For institutional participation, the configured system needs identity, role, permitted context, authority, typed action, evidence, a decision receipt and an appeal path. Norm-like language without answerability is imitation at institutional scale.
sequenceDiagram participant Q as Question participant M as Mechanism participant E as Evidence participant D as Decision Q->>M: The missing third point M->>E: Hold the stimulus constant and remove contingency E-->>M: compare rival explanations E->>D: Preserve public corrigibility in shared competence D-->>Q: revise scope or act
Preserve public corrigibility in shared competence
The question “Is mind social?” invites slogans. The better question is: which competence fails under which social substitution? Replace a partner with matched playback. Remove the learner-dependent response. Move the agent between conventions. Preserve all information but delete authorised roles and records. Each intervention identifies a different dependence.
The resulting decision is practical. In education, caregiving and human-machine systems, do not measure social value by exposure minutes, dialogue volume or human-like surface behaviour alone. Measure whether the system can reveal its interpretation, receive error-specific response, distinguish physical failure from normative breach, carry reasons across contexts and reopen a settled rule when evidence changes.
Preserve public corrigibility wherever the competence is referential, normative or institutional. Automate repetition, search and example generation aggressively. Be slower about replacing the loop in which another participant can say, “I see what you took this to mean; here is why that reading fails; now show me that the correction transfers.” That loop is not decorative social warmth. It is one of the mechanisms by which a private learner becomes answerable to a shared world.
Glossary
- Common ground
- A revisable model of information and commitments that participants take to be mutually available.
- Contingency
- A dependency in which one participant’s next response changes with the other participant’s observable state or action.
- Joint attention
- Coordinated attention to a target in which participants also track one another’s relation to that target.
- Norm
- A socially maintained standard that distinguishes permitted, required or correct action from mere frequency.
- Public corrigibility
- The capacity for an interpretation or action to be identified, challenged and repaired within a shared practice.
- Institution
- A durable arrangement of roles, rules, records and sanctions that preserves a practice across participants and time.
References
- Carpenter, M., Nagell, K. & Tomasello, M. (1998). Social cognition, joint attention, and communicative competence from 9 to 15 months of age. Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, 63(4). https://doi.org/10.2307/1166214
- Baldwin, D. A. (1993). Infants’ ability to consult the speaker for clues to word reference. Journal of Child Language, 20(2), 395–418. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0305000900008345
- Kuhl, P. K., Tsao, F.-M. & Liu, H.-M. (2003). Foreign-language experience in infancy: effects of short-term exposure and social interaction on phonetic learning. PNAS, 100(15), 9096–9101. https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1532872100
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- Meltzoff, A. N. et al. (2018). Re-examination of Oostenbroek et al. (2016): evidence for neonatal imitation of tongue protrusion. Developmental Science, 21(4), e12609. https://doi.org/10.1111/desc.12609
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- Kanngiesser, P. et al. (2022). Children across societies enforce conventional norms but in culturally variable ways. PNAS, 119(1), e2112521118. https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2112521118
- Hamann, K., Warneken, F., Greenberg, J. R. & Tomasello, M. (2011). Collaboration encourages equal sharing in children but not in chimpanzees. Nature, 476, 328–331. https://doi.org/10.1038/nature10278
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